Monday, December 23, 2019
Arthur Millers The Crucible Essay - 1404 Words
Arthur Millers The Crucible During The Crucible Proctor is easily cast as a villain and other characters clearly see this side of him. This is evident when Abigail shows her attraction for Proctor and her flirtatiousness is obvious to the audience as she talks to Proctor, she moves closer to Proctor and the stage directions suggest that there is a Faint smile Upon Proctors face, this smile widens as Abigail truthfully explains what happened the night before. Their past is clearly revealed when Abigail asks John for a Soft word And Proctor answers, That is done with Abby, youll put it out of mind . Ill not be commn`for you more, this implies that Proctorâ⬠¦show more contentâ⬠¦This clearly shows aspects of a selfish villain not a hero It becomes evident through the course of the play that proctor does not attend church regularly which would be considered a crime in any puritan society and yet he still makes excuses instead of accepting his responsibility. Hale: twenty-six times in seventeen month, sir. I must call that rare. Will you tell me why you are so absent? Proctor Mr hale, I never knew I must account to that man for I come to church or sty at home. My wife were sick this winter It is also stated that john proctor ploughs on a Sunday which is the holy Sabbath day. This would be seen as unacceptable behaviour within a Christian society. Later within in the play proctor is asked to recite his 10 commandments, which he fails to do accurately the basic Christian faith. he appears confrontational and defensive when questioned. He does well until he comes to the last few Proctor: Thou shall not make unto thee any graven image Hale: You have said that twice, sir Proctor: Aye All the evidence suggests that john proctor does not show signs of a hero but of a villain. Close to the Plays conclusion, Proctor is accused of witchcraft by his servant, marry warren Proctors reaction is looked on as irrational, as he his anger gets the better of him as heShow MoreRelatedArthur Millers The Crucible1002 Words à |à 4 Pagesreligious authority; this is now deemed unconstitutional in America. A community run by Puritans, Salem, Massachusetts, became so far corrupted in 1692 that a heinous witch-hunt resulted. In response to these events, Arthur Miller wrote a play called The Crucible. Shaped by Millerââ¬â¢s experience of being tried before the congressional committee during the hunt for communists in the 1950s, his writing directly paralleled Salemââ¬â¢s witch-hunts to the McCarthy hearings. In his play, Abigail Williams wasRead More Arthur Millers The Crucible Essay2614 Words à |à 11 PagesArthur Millers The Crucible Arthur Miller demonstrates the familiarities of the life he lived in the 1950s and of everyday life we live in through his plays. He communicates through his work to the way people are in society. The extreme witch hysteria deteriorated the rational and emotional stability of its citizens. This exploited the populations weakest qualities, and insecurities. The obvious breakdown in social order led to the tragedy that saw innocent souls hang on the accusationRead More Arthur Millers The Crucible Essay1231 Words à |à 5 PagesArthur Millers The Crucible The Crucible is based on the Salem Witch Trials in 1692. In act 1 the audience find out that John Procter had an affair with Abigail Williams, who was dancing in the woods, and that she still has feelings for him. When John denies their love Abigail starts accusing people of witchcraft. Act 2 is when we meet Elizabeth Procter who gets arrested on suspicion of witchcraft. In act 3 John goes to court trying to free his wife and the others but without much luckRead More Arthur Millers The Crucible Essay3348 Words à |à 14 PagesArthur Millers The Crucible The Crucible was written in 1952 by the twentieth century American playwright Arthur Miller (1915-.) Miller was born in New York and educated at the University of Michigan where he began to write plays. Most of Millers plays are set in contemporary America and on the whole offer a realistic portrayal of life and society and the theme of self-realization is re-current e.g. John Proctor in The Crucible. The Crucible was the third play Miller wroteRead More Arthur Millers The Crucible Essay947 Words à |à 4 PagesArthur Millers The Crucible The Crucible was written by Arthur Miller. Arthur Miller was brought before a committee in 1956 to answer charges of communist sympathy and to name the people he had had meetings with up to twenty years before. Liberal writer, film directors, actors and actresses were all called before the committee. The committee often had lists of names of people who had attended meetings yet they still forced witnesses to recite names, to see if they would comply andRead MoreArthur Millers The Crucible : An Allegory For Mccarthyism750 Words à |à 3 Pagesworks and is paid according to their abilities and needs.â⬠Arthur Millerââ¬â¢s ââ¬Å"The Crucibleâ⬠is an allegory for McCarthyism during the red scare due to the identical proceeds that divulge within not only The Crucibleââ¬â¢s plot but also history, such as the accused confessing to a crime they did not commit to save their life, people rising to power by taking advantage of others, and accusations having credibility with no affirmation. ââ¬Å"The Crucibleâ⬠was published in 1952 just two years after the start of theRead MoreEssay on Language in Arthur Millers The Crucible525 Words à |à 3 PagesLanguage in Arthur Millers The Crucible One aspect of The Crucible that is really Important is the way that Arthur Miller writes, and the language that he has used. His style is rather simple, with simple sentence structure on the whole, and quite simple vocabulary, he wanted to keep everything simple in this way in The Crucible, to prevent focus being taken away from the plot and the problems that the characters were facing with each other. So Miller doesRead MorePuritan Intolerance In Arthur Millers The Crucible808 Words à |à 4 PagesMcCarthyism is well-known and embraced by Arthur Miller. His 1953 play on the Salem witch trials act as an allegory to Joseph McCarthyââ¬â¢s scandal, comparing them to a ââ¬Å"witch huntâ⬠, thus an allusion to the Salem tragedies. Miller uses his characters in a strict way to develop his allegory of the Puritan intolerance. Strongly implanted by Miller, his theme of intolerance demonstrates what thoughts spring to life and what he is trying to put forth. In Arthur Millerââ¬â¢s The Crucible, Miller uses his characters ofRead MoreCommunism And Communism In Arthur Millers The Crucible711 Words à |à 3 PagesSimilar to, in 1953, Arthur Miller an American playwright, scripted the play titled ââ¬Å"The Crucibleâ⬠. The McCarthy hearings of the 1950s inspired the notable play. Consequently, after the hearing, McCarthyism became a vociferous campaign carried out by Senator Joseph McCarthy, which accused people of communism. To declare, Miller uses an analogy using the events of the Salem Witch Trials of 1693 to expose the ugly truth behind communism and McCarthyism. To begin, the word crucible derived from theRead More Arthur Millers The Crucible Essay examples681 Words à |à 3 PagesArthur Millers The Crucible The Crucible, written by Arthur Miller, is a tragic story of injustice suffered by an innocent community who are subjected to the hypocritical, prideful judges of their trial. These Judges use their power to eliminate evidence of their mistakes and return their community to puritanical ways. The leaders of Salem are not concerned with seeking the truth and justice, but with maintaining their authority and reputations; this objective leads them to consistently rejecting
Sunday, December 15, 2019
Effects of Television Commercial Repetition Free Essays
string(116) " became less persuasivewith repetition; and novel messages became more, then less persuasive with repeatedexposure\." Journal of Consumer Research, Inc. The Effects of Television Commercial Repetition on Cognitive Response and Message Acceptance Author(s): George E. Belch Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. We will write a custom essay sample on Effects of Television Commercial Repetition or any similar topic only for you Order Now 9, No. 1 (Jun. , 1982), pp. 56-65 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www. jstor. org/stable/2488937 . Accessed: 17/08/2012 06:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms Conditions of Use, available at . http://www. jstor. org/page/info/about/policies/terms. jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor. org. . The University of Chicago Press and Journal of Consumer Research, Inc. are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Consumer Research. http://www. jstor. org The Television Commercial Repetition on Cognitive Response and Message Acceptance Effects of GEORGEE. BELCH* The cognitiveeffects of advertisingrepetitionare examined by consideringthe impactof three levels of TV commercialexposure withina one-hour program. Attitudesand purchase intentionswere not affected by message repetition, although cognitive responses became more negative as exposure frequencyincreased. The relationship between cognitiveresponses and the message acceptance measures was relatively constantacross the three exposure levels. effects of repeated exposure to a persuasive communication have long been of interest to social psychologists and marketers. However, research concerning the effects of persuasive message repetition on cognitive processes has been limited in both social psychology and marketing. In social psychology, much of the repetition researchhas been performedin contexts thatdo not involve communication. For example, Zajoncââ¬â¢s (1968) theory of mere exposure suggests that a personââ¬â¢s attitude toward a stimulus is positively relatedto exposure frequency(an effect Zajonc attributedto the pleasantness associated with hearing an increasinglyfamiliar stimulus). However, mere exposure theory may have limited relevance to the attitudinal effects of persuasivemessage repetition,as this model applies primarilyto simple nonassociative stimuli, such as nonsense syllables or Turkish alphabet characters. Persuasive messages tend to be more complex stimuli and, in the case of advertisingmessages, the focus is generally on objects or ideas presentedin the message ratherthan on the advertisementitself. With the exception of a study by Cacioppo and Petty (1979), the cognitive and affective effects of repeated exposure to persuasive communicationshave generatedsurprisinglylittle researchin social psychology. Attemptsto determinethe effects of advertisingmessage repetitionhave appearedfrequentlyin the marketingliterature (Craig, Sternthal, and Leavitt 1976; Grass and Wal- The lace 1969; Mitchell and Olson 1977; Ray and Sawyer 1971; Sawyer 1973; Silk and Vavra 1974; Winter 1973). However, most researchinto the effects of advertisingrepetition has focused primarilyon outcome measuressuch as recall, attitude,and purchaseintention,ratherthanconsideringthe underlying processes that might shape and determine reaction to an advertisingmessage following multiple exposures. While knowledge of the repetition function for a persuasivemessage with respect to these outcome variables is important, the cognitive effects of message repetition must also be consideredif insight is to be gained in understandinga recipientââ¬â¢sreactionsto a message following multiple exposures. The purpose of this investigation is to study the effects of repeated exposure to a persuasive communication by examining the impact of television commercial repetition on cognitive processing. Cognitive response measures (Greenwald 1968; Petty, Ostrom, and Brock 1981; Wright 1973) as well as traditionaloutcome measures such as recall, attitude, and purchase intention are used to examine the effects of multiple message exposures on recipients. This study also examines changes in the relationship of cognitive response mediators to measures of message acceptanceresultingfrom multipleexposuresto a commercial message. RELEVANT LITERATURE *George E. Belch is AssistantProfessorof Marketing,College of Business Administration,San Diego State University, San Diego, CA 92182. The author wishes to acknowledge the financial support provided by a doctoraldissertationgrant from the AmericanMarketingAssociation and by researchgrantsfrom the MarketingScience Instituteand the University of California, Los Angeles. Appreciationis also expressed to Rich Lutz and James Bettmanfor their comments on an earlierversion of this manuscript and to two anonymousreviewers for their insightful comments and recommendations. The effects of advertising repetition on outcome measures such as attitude and purchase intention have been examined in a numberof studies. Winter(1973) found that exposure to the commercials decreased the distance between attitudes toward the advertisedbrand and the ideal brand. However, diminishingreturnswere found, since the greatestamountof attitudechange occurredduringthe first two exposures. Also, exposure had a significanteffect only on individualsinitially unfamiliarwith the advertisedbrand 56 ? JOURNAL OF CONSUMERRESEARCH* Vol. 9 0 June 1982 EFFECTSOF TV COMMERCIAL REPETITION and it was positively related to brand familiarity for the relatively new brandonly. Ginter(1974) found that either overall attitude change nor brand choice was affected by the numberof message exposures. Null effects of advertising repetition were also found in a study by Mitchell and Olson (1977): repetition of two types of print ads had no effect on belief strength, attitude, or purchaseintention. Several studies have examined the effects of multiple exposure in conjunction with varied advertising appeals. Ray and Sawyer (1971) found tha t repetitionof six soft-sell ââ¬Å"nongrabberâ⬠advertisementsproduced increases in purchase intention, while intention was not increasedby repetition of hard-sell ââ¬Å"grabberâ⬠ads. Similar results were found in-a study by Silk and Vavra (1974), who examined reactions to hard-sell and soft-sell radio commercials. Gorn and Goldberg (1980) examined the effects of repeated commercialexposure on eight- to ten-year-oldboys by varying the numberof commercials seen in the context of a half-hourprogram. Subjects viewed the commercials eitherone, three, or five times. However, some of the multiple-exposure condition subjects viewed the same commercialrepeatedly,while otherssaw a differentcommercial for the new brandeach time. Gorn and Goldbergfound that moderateexposure (threerepetitions)resultedin the highest level of brandpreference, providedthat the same commercial was not seen each time. 57 Cacioppoand Petty (1980) tested the viability of the twostage cognitive response model in two other repetitionexperiments. In the first experiment, the cognitive response measureand a persistingmeasureof attitudechange (taken one week later) were affected in the curvilinear manner suggested by the two-factor model. In the second experiment, they predicted-and found-an interactionbetween exposure frequency and the nature of the argumentsused on a persisting attitudechange measure. Strong argumentbased messages became more persuasive with repetition; weak argumentmessages became less persuasivewith repetition; and novel messages became more, then less persuasive with repeatedexposure. You read "Effects of Television Commercial Repetition" in category "Papers" Calder and Sternthal (1980) measured cognitive responses after commercials for two products;one product and was unfamiliarto the participants one was well known. They found that increased frequency of exposure led primarilyto more total thoughtsfor the unfamiliarproductand to an increasein negative thoughtsfor the well-knownproduct. TheoreticalAccounts of RepetitionEffects While several theoreticalexplanationshave been offered for repetitioneffects, the one that appearsto be most congenial for advertisingmessage repetition is some form of Berlyneââ¬â¢s (1970) two-factor theory. Berlyne proposed a nonmonotonic inverted U-curve relationship between familiarity and liking. According to Berlyne, two separate and opposing psychological processes, positive habituation and tedium, operatesimultaneously. Positive habituationis similar to a reduction in response competition: exposure results in a reductionin arousaldue to uncertaintyand conflict and thus increases liking. Tedium also increases with exposure and results in a less pleasurablefeeling toward the stimulus. Berlyne suggests that the relative strengthof each factorvaries as a functionof exposureto the stimulus, with the habituationprocess having the greaterimpact on affect initially, while tedium and disliking occur at higher exposure levels. Stimulus complexity and sequence heterogeneity slow the positive habituationprocess; thus tedium occurs at higher exposurelevels for complex, variedstimuli and at a relatively low frequency for simple, nonvaried stimuli. An extension of Berlyneââ¬â¢s two-factor theory was proposed by Stang (1973, 1975), who argued that repeated to exposureprovidesmore opportunity learnaboutthe stimulus and that because this learning is rewarding, positive affect results. However, continued repetition beyond that necessary for initial learningleads to boredomor satiation, and repeated exposure ultimately produces negative affect toward the stimulus. A similar explanationfor repetitioneffects was proposed by Cacioppo and Pettyââ¬â¢s (1979) two-stage attitudemodification model. They argue that repetition of the message to providesrecipientswith more opportunity elaboratecognitively upon message content and to realize the favorable implicationsand cogency of the argumentsused in the mes- Repetition and Cognitive Response McCullough and Ostrom(1974) examined the effects of repeatedexposure by having subjects view five similar ads that used the same basic appeal, but differed in the order and phrasing of the message arguments. Cognitive responses were measuredimmediatelyafter each exposure to the advertisements. They found that repetition resulted in a significantpositive effect on cognitive response activity, as subjectslisted more positive thoughtsand fewer negative thoughts with repeatedexposure. Cacioppo and Petty (1979) examined the effects of repeating messages that were either consistent with or contraryto recipientsââ¬â¢ initial attitudeon cognitive response activity. They found that agreementwith the message position increased and then decreased as exposure frequency increased. The cognitive response patternfollowed a similar curvilinear relationship as favorable thoughts showed an increase followed by a decrease, while counterarguments showed a significant decrease followed by an increase. Analysis of the cognitive response measures also revealed that the counter-attitudinal message evoked a greaternumber of topic-relevantthoughts and fewer neutralor irrelevant thoughts than the proattitudinal message. Cacioppo and Petty interpretedthese results in terms of a two-stage attitudemodificationprocess. Accordingto this model, repetitionof the message providesmore opportunity for cognitive elaborationupon the specific argumentsand realizationof theirfavorableimplications. At high exposure levels, however, tedium and/orreactancelead to an attack against the message by the receiver. 58 sage. However, in the high exposure conditions, it is very likely that tedium and/orreactancewill develop, leading to a decline in affect. Sawyer (1981) has suggested that Berlyneââ¬â¢s two-factor theory is consistent with results concerning the repetition effects of advertising. Sawyer suggests that advertisements and other persuasive messages in contexts of obvious manipulative intent may elicit a majority of defensive responses-such as counterarguments and source derogations-at the outset. Once expressed, these defensive responses may dissipate and allow other, more objective evaluations and associations to occur. However, high exposure levels would ultimately result in satiation and negative reactionsto the message. The first question of interest is whetherthe inverted Ucurve predictions offered by Berlyneââ¬â¢s two-factor theory and Cacioppo and Pettyââ¬â¢s two-stage attitude modification process model occur with multipleexposuresto a television commercial. Most of the studies extant have only examined outcome measures of effectiveness, providinglittle insight into the cognitive processing that underliesthese reactions. The studies that have utilized cognitive response measures have produceddivergent results, primarilybecause of the methodologicaland proceduraldifferences among them. It will be difficult to arrive at any generalizationsconcerning the effects of persuasive message repetition on cognitive processing until more empiricalevidence is produced. The firsthypothesisto be tested in this studyconcernsthe effects of commercialmessage repetitionon cognitive responseand message acceptance: Hi: The favorabilityof message acceptanceand cognitive responses to a television commercial increases with moderate levels of exposure, then declines following high levels of exposure. THEJOURNAL CONSUMER OF RESEARCH curring during the first few exposures to it. Krugmanââ¬â¢s (1972) notion of only three message exposures being sufficient to stimulatea buying decision is relevanthere. According to Krugman, the very first exposure (defined as actualattentionby the consumer)is dominatedby a ââ¬Å"What is it? â⬠type of response, whereby the message recipient attemptsto define and understandthe advertisingstimulus and to determine whether the message is of any use or interest. Krugmansuggests that much of the needed reduction in response competition occurs during this first exposure and that the second exposureevokes a more evaluative and personal ââ¬Å"What of it? reaction, which determinesthe messageââ¬â¢s ultimate ability to persuade. If any meaningful response occurred earlier, the third exposure then acts mostly as a reminderto the recipient. The third exposure is also the beginning of disengagement or withdrawalof attentionfrom the task. Krugmansuggests that more than three exposures to a message essentially repeat earlier exp osure effects. While no direct test of Krugmanââ¬â¢s conjecturehas been conducted, there is indirect evidence that is relevant. A study by Krugman(1968) of eye movement explorationof print ads indicated that peak effectiveness occurred after two or three exposures, while Grass and Wallaceââ¬â¢s (1969) work with CONPADD response indicatedthat from two to 1 four exposures are optimal. Otherevidence consistentwith Krugmanââ¬â¢s notion comes from a study by Goldberg and Gorn (1974). Also, Cacioppo and Pettyââ¬â¢s (1979) finding that topic-irrelevant ideation increased as exposure frequency increasedsuggests that the importantprocessing of a message takes place during initial exposures. This review suggests that the strengthof the relationship between cognitive responses and message cceptancemeasuresshould increasefrom low to moderateexposurelevels, since more detailed and evaluativeprocessing will occur as message recipients become familiar with the commercial message. At higher exposure levels, however, the tedium and/or reactance associated with message satiation would inhibit and/or interfere with sub sequent informationprocessing activity and resultin a weakeningof the relationship between cognitive response and message acceptance. Cognitive processing at higher levels of exposure may consist ideationmore thanof relevantprocessing of topic-irrelevant and evaluation of the message arguments. The following predictionsconcerningthe effects of television commercial message repetition on the relevancy and mediatingrole of cognitive responses will be examined: H2: The frequency of topic-irrelevant ideation increases as exposure to a television commercial increases. ââ¬ËCONPADD (ConjugatelyProgrammedAnalysis of Advertising)measures attentionto commercialsby using an operantconditioningprocedure whereby subjects operate either a foot or hand device in orderto receive the video and audio portionsof an advertisement. The subjectââ¬â¢seffort thus becomes a measure of interest and attentionto the message in either the audio or video mode. Effects of Repetition on the MediatingRole of Cognitive Response Also of concern in this study are the effects of message repetitionon the mediating relationshipbetween cognitive responses and message acceptance. The issue of interest here is whethercognitive responseselicited afterhigh levels of message exposure mediate affective reactionto the message. Most studies of repetition effects have focused on dependentmeasures, such as recall, attitude, and purchase intention. In these studies, the cumulativeeffects thatresult from repeatedexposure to the message may be capturedby using these ââ¬Å"outcomeâ⬠measures. However, this may not be the case for cognitive response measures. The detailed processingthat truly determinesthe message recipientââ¬â¢sreactionto the message may take place duringinitial exposure to the advertisement. Theorizingconsistent with this position has been offered by several researchers. For example, Leavitt (1974) has suggested a ââ¬Å"strong effectsâ⬠hypothesis, which suggests that the effectiveness of an ad depends on the events oc- EFFECTSOF TV COMMERCIAL REPETITION H3: The strength of the relationshipbetween cognitive response and message acceptance measures increases with moderatelevels of exposure, then decreases at high levels of exposure. 59 thoughts. 3After completingthe cognitive responsetask, the subjectswere asked to complete a programevaluationform and a set of postmeasuresconcerning issues dealt with in the program. After completing these measures, subjectswere asked to respondto dependentmeasuresconcerningmessage acceptance and reception. Two dependentmeasures of message acceptancewere used in this study: attitudestoward using the new brandof toothpasteand purchaseintentionsfor the new brand. Subjectsââ¬â¢ attitudeswere measuredon four semantic differentialscales (good-bad, wise-foolish, favorable-unfavorable,beneficial-harmful). Subjectsââ¬â¢ responses to the four scales were averaged to arrive at the attitude score used in the analyses. Intentionto try the new brand of toothpaste was measuredon three semantic differential scales (likely-unlikely, probable-improbable, possibleimpossible). The purchase intention measure used in the analyses was calculated by averagingthe three scales. Two measuresof message receptionwere employed. An unaidedrecall measurewas takenby askingthe respondents to write down as much as they could rememberaboutwhat was said in the commercial. The recall score was then formed by counting the number of correct claims for the productlisted by the subject. The aided recall measureconsisted of six multiple-choicequestions aboutspecific points in the commercial. METHOD Overview The data for this study were collected as part of a laboratoryexperimentexaminingthe effects of advertisingmessage structure and repetition on cognitive response and message acceptance(Belch 1981). A 2 x 2 x 3 betweensubjectsdesign was used with type of message (comparative or noncomparative), message-sidedness (one- or twosided), and repetition(one, three, or five exposures) as the factors. Commercialsfor a new, fictitious brandof toothpaste were produced to serve as message stimuli for the study. The basic text for the four commercialsis shown in the Appendix. The data used to test the repetitionhypotheseswere compiled by combiningthe resultsfor the four treatment groups at each of the three exposure levels. There were no significant interactionsbetween the message structure factorsand exposure frequencyfor the dependentvariablesof interest. Subjects and Procedure The sample consisted of 260 persons recruitedfrom two churchgroups in the Los Angeles area. Data collection was spread over 10 evenings during a two-week period. Upon arrival at the research setting, the subjects were given a brief statementconcerningthe reasonfor theirpresenceand were then randomly assigned to one of the three experimental treatments being used during that session. One hundred subjects were assigned to both the one- and the three-exposureconditions, while 60 subjectswere assigned to the five-exposurecondition. The smaller cell size in the five-exposure condition was due to cost limitations in attaining additionalsubjects. were readto the subjectsinformingthem that Instructions they were participatingin a researchprojectevaluatingthe content of television programmingand that they would be asked to evaluate an episode of Quincy. The subjects were also told they would be asked questions about the commercials. The subjects completed the set of premeasures, which included demographicquestions, a television viewing profile, and premeasuresconcerning issues dealt with in the program;the one-hourprogramcontainingthe stimulus commercial(s) was then shown. Immediatelyafter the program ended, the subjects were read the cognitive response instructionsand were given two minutesto list their Categorizationof Cognitive Responses The cognitive response classificationscheme used in this study included three categories of thoughts: product/mesevaluations,and sage-relatedevaluations,repetition-related evaluairrelevant thoughts. The product/message-related tions included the cognitive response categories of counterargument, supportargument,source derogation,and curiosity thoughts as defined by Wright (1973), as well as the categories of simple dissaffirmationsand simple affirmations describedby Beaber (1975). An additionalcategory, source bolstering, was also used. This categorizationis the of positive counterpart source derogation. evaluations included any thought that Repetition-related addressedthe fact that the commercialwas seen more than one time in the program. The use of the repetition-related categorizationmay be useful in analyzing message recipientsââ¬â¢ reactionto multiple message exposures duringa short time period, such as a one-hourprogram. Other studies of repetitionandcognitive response(CacioppoandPetty 1979; Calderand Sternthal1980; McCulloughand Ostrom 1974) have not distinguishedthoughts reflecting reactions to the message per se from thoughtsthat might be relatedto multiple exposures to the same message. The final cognitive response category was the irrelevantcategory, which in3The cognitive response instructionsused in this study requested the subjects to list the thoughtsthat occurredto them while viewing the commercial about the product and their reactions during the commercial to what was said about the productby the advertiser. 2A complete descriptionof the method employed in this study is available elsewhere (Belch 1981). In the interest of brevity, only a summary will be presentedhere. 60 cluded those statements that did not reflect any relevant evaluation of the advertisingmessage or of the advertisement itself. A three-judgepanel was used to code the cognitive response protocols. The judges were given operationaldefinitions of the three response categories and were trainedin the applicationof these definitions until each had a good of understanding the coding scheme and coding task. The basis for the final rating of each cognition was a modal ratingof the threejudges. Interjudge reliabilities,calculated for each response category separately,rangedfrom 0. 69 to 0. 95. THEJOURNAL CONSUMER OF RESEARCH FIGURE AND NEGATIVE MEANNUMBERS POSITIVE OF COGNITIVE RESPONSESFOR EACHLEVEL REPETITION OF 2 (1. 77) Total Negative 1. 5 (1. 32) (1. 04) Total Product/Message (1. 15) Related Negative 1 (. 96) Total Positive RESULTS The first hypothesis concerns the effects of commercial message repetitionon the message acceptancemeasuresof attitude and purchase intention and on the cognitive response measures. The mean attitudinal scores for the one-, three-, and five-exposureconditions were 3. 87, 4. 11, and 3. 77, while the mean purchaseintentionscores were 3. 24, 3. 60, and 3. 33. An analysis of variance performedon the message acceptancemeasures showed no significanteffect of repetition for either attitude or purchase intention, F (2,257) = 1. 6 and 0. 89, respectively. The means for the numberof favorableand unfavorable thoughtsgeneratedby subjectsin each of the threeexposure conditions are graphedin the Figure. 4 An analysis of variance revealed that the increase in the numberof negative thoughts across the three levels of repetitionis significant, F (2,257) = 9. 93, p lt; 0. 001. Pairwisecomparisons,using a Scheffe test, indicated that the difference in negative thoughts was not significant between the one- and threeexposureconditions, but was significantbetween the threeand five-exposure conditions (p lt; 0. 5). The Figure also shows that favorablethoughtsremainedrelatively constant across the three exposure levels. An analysis of variance for the favorable thoughts measure was non significant,F (2,257) = 0. 69. The resultspresentedabove are not supportiveof the first hypothesis. The message acceptancemeasures(attitudeand purchase intention) did not show the inverted U-curve relationshippredictedby Berlyneââ¬â¢s (1970) two-factortheory and Cacioppo and Pettyââ¬â¢s two-stage attitude modification model. The cognitive response results also fail to support the first hypothesis because negative thoughts increased across the three levels of exposure, while positive thoughts remainedrelatively constant. One possible explanationfor the increase in the number of negative thoughts across the three levels of repetitionis that multiple exposures to the message within the one-hour programmay have resultedin satiationandthe development ââ¬ËThe favorable and unfavorable thoughts measures were derived by combining those cognitive responses that were positive and negative in valence, respectively. Thus, favorable thoughts representthe sum of all source bolstering, support arguments, and simple affirmations. Unfavorable thoughts representthe sum of all counterarguments, source derogations, simple disaffirmations,and repetition-related negative comments. l:; .v~~~~~~. 3 ( 53) (. 63) (. 63) I 0 I ,I 1 5 NUMBER OF EXPOSURES 3 of reactanceby the subjects. This negative reactionto message repetition could be expressed through negative repecontition-related thoughtson the partof multiple-exposure dition subjects. To determinewhether the increase in negative thoughts across the three levels of repetition was due to the repetition-relatedthoughts produced by the message recipients, these responses were omitted from the composite of unfavorableresponses and the effect of repetitionon the number of product/message-related negative thoughts was examined. The means for the numberof negative product/message-relatedthoughtsare graphedin the Figure. A one-way analysis of variancerevealed that these differences in negative product/message-related thoughts were not significant, F (2,257) = 0. 5. Thus, the increase in negative thoughtsacross the three exposure levels was due primarily to the recipientsââ¬â¢ negative reactions to message repetition, ratherthan to negative evaluations of message content. Hypothesis two concerns the effect of multiple message exposure on the generation of topic-irrelevant thoughts. Topic-irrelevantthoughts were defined as those responses that do not represent an evaluati on of the message arguments or of the advertisementitself. The mean numberof irrelevantthoughts for the one-, three-, and five-exposure levels was 0. 53, 0. 34 and 0. 3, respectively. The differences in irrelevantthoughtsacross the threeexposurelevels were not significant, F (2. 257) = 1. 99. Contraryto the second hypothesis, it appearsthat message recipientsin the conditions did remainactive in attending multiple-exposure to the commercials, ratherthan tuning them out and producing cognitions that were unrelatedto the message. Relationshipof Cognitive Response to Message Acceptance To examine the relationshipof the cognitive responses generatedby subjects at the various exposure levels to attitude and purchase intention, several compensatory EFFECTS OF TV COMMERCIALREPETITION TABLEI RELATIONSHIPOF COGNITIVERESPONSE AND MESSAGE RETENTION MEASURES TO MESSAGE ACCEPTANCE BY EXPOSURE LEVEL Single exposure Attitude Model 1 Purchase intention Three exposure Attitude Purchase intention Five exposure Attitude 61 Purchase intention Y2(SA+SB+SAf) ââ¬â Y. (CA SD + SDf) + Model 2 .327b .323b .481 b ,345b .491 b .236c Y2(SA+SB+SAf+RRP) ââ¬â Y. (CA. + + SDf+ RRN)8 SD Retention Aided recall Unaided recall .327b .323b .468b ,339b .522b .258c . 021 . 086 .065 . 129 .014 . 010 .028 . 159 .001 . 121 .009 . 081 SAf = Simple Affirmations;SDf = Simple Disaffirmations; RRP = Repetition Related Positive; RRN = Repetition Related Negative; SA = Support Arguments; CA = Counterarguments; SD = Source Derogation; SB = Source Bolsters. bp lt; 0. 01 Cp lt; 0. 05 weighting models (cf. Wright 1973) were developed from the cognitive responses. These models, which are shown in Table 1, are based on an underlying assumption that message recipientspr ocess cognitive cues in a mannersuch that opposing cues linearly balance each other. These compensatory models yield a measure of ââ¬Å"net directionalimpactâ⬠of the cognitive mediators. Model 1 includes the product/message-related cognitive cues using the difference between the amountof positive ideation and negative ideation engaged in by the message recipients as the predictor of message acceptance. Model 2 adds the repetition-related thoughts to the model and incorporatesall of the relevant cognitions into the cognitive response index. The relationships between the message retentionmeasures(unaidedand aided recall) and attitudeand purchaseintentionwere also examined. Simple regressions were performedusing each model as a predictorof the message acceptancemeasures. The results of these analyses, which were performedseparatelyfor each exposurelevel, are shown in Table 1. This table shows that the cognitive response models are significantly related to the message acceptancemeasuresacross all three exposure conditions. However, the aided and unaided recall scores are not relatedto either attitudeor purchaseintentionat any of the exposure levels. As can be seen in Table 1, the relationshipof the cognitive response models to the attitudinalmeasure of message acceptanceis strongerin the three-exposurecondition than in the single-exposurecondition, as predicated. However, the differences in these correlationsfor the two exposure levels are not statistically significant (t = 1. 32, p lt; 0. 10). 5 Table 1 also reveals that the magnitudeof the relationshipbetween the cognitive response models and attitude does not show the hypothesizeddecline between the 5Comparison these correlationcoefficients was made using the folof lowing test statistic: three- and five-exposure conditions, but remainsrelatively constant. The relationshipbetween the cognitive response models and purchase intention across the three exposure levels is also shown in Table 1. The correlationsdo not show the predicted increase between the one- and three-exposure conditions. There is an attenuationin the correlationsbetween the three- and five-exposure conditions; however, these differences are not significant(t lt; 1). These results fail to supportthe hypothesizedchanges in the relationshipbetween cognitive and message acceptance across the three exposure levels. Table 1 also indicatesthat differences exist in the relationshipsbetween cognitive response and the attitudinalmeasure of message acceptance and between cognitive response and the purchaseintention measure in the multiple-exposureconditions. There is an attenuationin the correlationof cognitive response to message acceptance when purchase intention, ratherthan attitude, is the message acceptance criterion. Wright (1973) found a similar attenuationbetween cognitive response and a behavioralintentionversus an attitudinal measureof message acceptance. The attenuationfound in this study may be due to the fact thatbehavioralpatternsfor a productsuch as toothpasteare likely to be well developed. Thus, favorable or unfavorablecognitive reactionsto the message may be related to affective position toward the new brand, but would not necessarily impact on intentionto buy the new brand. I + Vm 1 Vm I/ ~1 lNm-3 l/2 In ââ¬â l/2 In 1 I + Vf 1- Vf 3 t= Nf- where Vm and Vf denote the correlationcoefficients for each group and Nm and Nf denote the size of each group. This statistic makes it possible to test the equalityof two correlationcoefficients using a t test (Kleinbaum and Kupper 1978). 62 THEJOURNAL CONSUMER OF RESEARCH sage argumentsand then developing an attitudetowardthe new brand, but ratherwere using the retainedargumentsto support a preformed affective position. This explanation may be particularlyplausible in a low-involvement advertising situation(which one might argue was the case in this study) where global affect, rather than attribute specific information,providesthe basis for consumerevaluationand decision making (cf. Olshavskyand Granbois1979; Wright 1976; Zajonc 1980). The two perspectives regarding the mediating role of cognitive response suggest differentcausal patternsamong the message acceptance measures and cognitive responses following multiple exposure to a message. The first explanation argues for the traditionalmediatingrole of cognitive responses, whereby the flow of causal effects originates with repetitionand moves throughcognitive responses that mediateattitude,which in turnmediatespurchaseintention. The competingexplanationsuggests that the flow of effects originates with repetition and moves successively through attitude and purchase intention, which in turn influences cognitive response. This causal flow suggests thatcognitive in responses, particularly the multiple-exposure conditions, are the result of preformedaffect towardthe new brand. To examine the two competing explanationsof the relationships among the variables, a testing of alternative model forms was undertaken. The tenabilityof each causal model was tested by attemptingto reproducethe original correlationmatrix among the four relevant variables (repetition, cognitive responses, attitude, and purchase intention). Examination of the reproducibility of the original correlationmatrix provides evidence in supportof a proposed model configuration also allows for a comparison and of other alternativeflows. A techniquedeveloped by Simon (1957) for testing simple linear flows of causation was used to examine the relationshipamong these variables. This techniquefor testing a proposed causal flow was used by Lutz (1978) in examining the relationshipsamong beliefs, attitude, and behavioral intention-a problem similar to the presentone. Simon developed a precise set of predictionsfor the magnitudeof correlationbetween nonadjacent pairsof variables in the hypothesized flow of causation, based on observed correlationsbetween adjacent pairs of variables. Specifically, the predicted correlationbetween any two nonadjacent variables is equal to the product of all the pairwise correlations between adjacent intervening variables. For example, in the traditionalcognitive response causal sequence (repetitionââ¬â cognitive response-gt; attitude-gt; intention), Simonââ¬â¢s model would predictthat the simple correlationbetween repetitionand intentionwould be equal to the simple correlationsof repetitionand cognitive response multiplied by the simple correlationof cognitive response and attitudemultipliedby the simple correlationof attitude and intention. Comparisonof predicted and actual correlations provides a measure of ââ¬Å"fitâ⬠for the theoreticalexplanations being applied to the data. While this mode of analysis cannot prove that a particularcausal sequence is correct, it is useful for testing competing explanations. Cognitive Responses: Mediatorsor Productsof Message Acceptance? A basic assumptionin using the cognitive response approachto studying communicationeffects is that the spontaneous thoughts generated by the message recipients causally mediate affective reactions to a persuasive message. The assumptionthat cognitive responses precede and influencethe formationof attitudesand intentionshas been made in most cognitive response studies and has been directly tested in several investigations (Cacioppo and Petty 1979; Osterhouse and Brock 1970; Petty and Cacioppo 1977). This study assumed that cognitive response cues generated by the message recipients mediate the effect of repetition on message acceptance,since subjectsin the multipleexposure conditions had the opportunity to become acquainted with the message arguments and had plenty of time to elaborate cognitively upon them. Thus, the responses generatedby the multiple-exposurecondition subjects would be based on the cogency of the message arguments and their reactionsto these arguments,ratherthan on a general, overall impressionof the productand/orcommercial. Evidence in supportof this position is offered by the strong relationshipbetween cognitive response and attitude in the multiple-exposureconditions. There is, ho wever, an alternativehypothesis to the argument that cognitive responses mediate the effect of repetition on message acceptance. It may be that the thoughts producedby the message recipientsare not really mediating acceptanceof the message, but ratherare a reflectionof the recipientââ¬â¢s affective position toward the product and/or commercial. Several studies (Tesser and Conlee 1975; Tesser and Cowan 1977) have shown that the opportunityfor thought leads to a polarizationof attitudeswhereby affective position becomes more extreme in the initial direction. onditionsmay Message recipientsin the multiple-exposure have formed an attitudetowardthe new brandafter one or two exposures, while further exposure to and reflection upon the message argumentsmay have led to attitudepolarization. Thus, the cognitive responsesproducedby these subjects may have been a reflection of a previously developed and polarized attitude;ratherthan mediatingmessage acceptance,the recipientsââ¬â¢responses may thus have offered cognitive justification for their affective position. This alternativeperspective suggests that the multipleexposure condition subjects were not processing the mes- 6Thereis evidence that the message argumentswere retainedmore in the multiple-exposureconditions than in the single-exposureconditions. The cell means for the unaidedrecall measurewere 1. 70, 2. 33, and 2. 48, while the means for the aided recall measure were 2. 22, 2. 74, and 3. 20. An analysis of varianceperformedon the receptionscores showed thatthe effect of repetitionwas significant for both measures, F (2. 257) = 7. 01 and 11. 25, respectively (p lt; 0. 1). Pairwise comparisons of the cell means, using the Scheffe test, indicatedthat both recall measuresshowed a significant increase between the one- and three-exposureconditions (p lt; 0. 05), but not between the three- and five-exposurelevels. REPETITION EFFECTSOF TV COMMERCIAL TABLE 2 INTERCORRELATIONSOF VARIABLES IN HYPOTHESIZED FLOW OF EFFECTS Cognitive response ââ¬â 63 TABLE 3 PREDICTIONS AND DEGREES OF FIT FOR RELATIONSHIPS AMONG NONADJACENT CAUSAL VARIABLES Degrees of fit Actual Expected Variable Repetition ââ¬â Attitude ââ¬â . 013 . 429 Purchase intention . 31 Rââ¬âCR-gt;Att-gt;PIââ¬â¢ 1. Repetition 2. Cognitive response 3. Attitude 4. Purchase intention .022 .310 . 692 13 12r23 -. 013 rl2r23r,. r24= r23r, r14= .031 . 310 Rââ¬âAtt-gt;PIl-CR -. 009 [(-. 022)(. 429)] ââ¬â . 006 [(-. 022)(. 429)(. 692)] . 297 [(. 429)(. 692)] In performingthis analysis, the cognitive response variable was operationalizedby using the compensatoryindex derived from model 1 (Table 1). Repetition was assigned a value of 1, 3, or 5, dependingupon exposurelevel. Table 2 shows the observed simple correlationsamong the four variablesof interest. Each variableis numberedto facilitate of interpretation Table 3, which shows the actual and expected correlations among nonadjacentpairs of variables for the two competing causal flows previously described. To compare the degrees of fit of the two models, a total discrepancy score was computed from the correlations shown in Table 3. Total discrepancy was operationalized as the sum of the absolute differences between predicted and actual correlations. Table 3 shows that the degree of fit was best for the traditional model, in which cognitive responses mediate message acceptance. The total discrepancyfor this model was 0. 055, while the total discrepancy for the competing model was 0. 278. In additionto the two models previously considered, alternativeorderingsof the cognitive response and message acceptance measures following message repetition were also examined. However, none of these models performedas well as the basic cognitive-responses-as-mediatorsmodel. 13 r12r23 r14 =r2r23r34 r24 =r23r34 .031 -. 022 . 429 -. 015 [(-. 022)(. 692)] -. 005 [(-. 022)(. 692)(. 310)] . 214 [(. 692)(. 310)] intention aRepetitionrCognitive response-Attitude-oPurchase DISCUSSION The results of this study are not supportiveof Berlyneââ¬â¢s (1970) two-factor theoretical account of repetition effects nor of Cacioppo and Pettyââ¬â¢s (1979) two-stage attitudemodification process model. Neither attitudesnor purchaseintentions were affected by the level of advertisingexposure. This is consistent with the results of otherrepetitionstudies that have failed to find a significant main effect for repetition on these outcome measures. The patternof results found for the cognitive response measures was also inconsistent with theoretical expectations. The number of negative product/message-related thoughtsdid not decline between the one- and three-exposure conditions, as had been predicted. The negative thoughtsvariablealso failed to parallelthe resultsfound for the attitude and purchase intention measures for the oneand three-exposureconditions. This inconsistency, which was also found by Calder and Sternthal(1980) and, to a lesser degree, by-Cacioppoand Petty (1980), suggests that there is not always a direct correspondencebetween cognitive response and outcome evaluations. The second stage of two-factortheory and the two-stage attitudemodificationprocess, which predicts a decrease in affect and an increase in negative thoughts due to tedium and reactance, was partially supported. Neither attitudes nor purchase intentions showed a significant decline between the three- and five-exposure conditions. However, the significant increase in negative repetition-related thoughts between the three- and five-exposure conditions suggests that reactance to the multiple message exposures did become more pronouncedin the high exposure condition. The significant increase in repetition-related thoughts across the three exposure levels is not surprising,but it is noteworthy. Past studies of repetition and cognitive response have not directlyrecognized the possibility thatrepetition-relatedcognitions might occur as a result of excessive exposure to a message; instead, they have assumed that the recipientââ¬â¢s reaction to message repetition impacts on more traditionalcognitive response variables, such as or counterarguments favorablemessage-relatedthoughts. From a strategicperspective, these findings have implications for the scheduling of adverising messages, particularly over short time periods. While the exposure levels used in this study were high for a one-hour time period, they are not totally inconsistent with actual media schedvalue uling practices. The results suggest that no short-term is gained from addedexposures. Media schedulesthatresult in high levels of message exposure in a limited time period run the risk of alienatingthe viewer and may not represent Althoughcognitive response measures were not taken in the study by Gom and Goldberg (1980), they did find negative repetition-related reactions to be commonplace: ââ¬Å"Observationof the children suggested that when exposed to the same commercial three or five times, they became annoyedby the repetitions. Remarkssuch as ââ¬Å"Oh no, not againâ⬠or ââ¬Å"not anotheroneâ⬠were common â⬠¦Ã¢â¬ ¦ . . . (p. 424). â⬠64 the most effective expenditureof media budgets. However, ratherthan focusing only on immediate postexposure reactions, it would be helpful to consider the effects of multiple message exposure over longer time periods, in order to determine the persistence of positive or negative responses. Crandall,Harrison,and Zajonc (1975) found that the negative effects of tediumfrom repeatedexposuresmay be only transitory,whereasthe positive effect is permanent. Stang (1974) also found satiationeffects to be short-lived: a small measurementdelay was more likely to show positive effects of exposure than an immediate measurement. Research similar to that of Cacioppo and Petty (1980), which uses delayed measures of cognitive response and the attitudechange, is needed to fully understand effects of message repetition. The use of delayed response measures in examining repetition effects is discussed in detail by Sawyer and Ward (1977). The results of this study are supportiveof other investigations suggesting that cognitive responses mediate postmessage attitudesand purchase intentions. Moreover, this studyoffers furthersupportfor the viabilityof using thought verbalization data in studying communication effects. While the cognitive response models were capable of explaining a significantamountof the variancein attitudeand purchase intention, the aided and unaided recall measures did not show a significant relationshipto message acceptance despite the increase in recall scores across the three levels of exposure. These findingsare consistentwith other studies which have found that stimulus learningis not necessarily related to affective reactions (Cacioppo and Petty 1979; Greenwald1968; Wright19,73). These resultssupport the argumentthat cognitive cues generatedby the message recipient, ratherthan message arguments, are the primary mediatorsof message acceptance. [ReceivedMay 1981. Revised November 1981. ] RESEARCH THEJOURNAL CONSUMER OF REFERENCES Beaber, R. J. (1975), ââ¬Å"The General Characteristicsof Covert Resistance Mechanisms and Their Relationship to Attitude Change and SpeakerPerception,â⬠Unpublisheddoctoraldissertation,Departmentof Psychology, Universityof Southern California. 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APPENDIX Sample Text of CommercialMessages Announcingan importantadvance in the science of dental hygiene, new Shield toothpaste with fluorigard. Fluorigard is a new stannous fluoride substance developed by a biodental team at a leading university. Clinical tests by the American Dental Association have found new Shield to be more effective than Crest, the leading fluoride toothpaste, in reducing cavities. These tests showed that Shield, with its patented fluorigardformula, has significantly higher levels of fluoride activity than Crest. This means that Shield spreads faster while you brush, actually penetratingand cleaning in between your teeth, where most cavities occur. And Shieldââ¬â¢s fluorigard formulawas also preferredin taste tests. Remember, see your dentist regularly and brush often with new Shield, the only toothpastethat gives your teeth the protectionof fluorigard. 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(1957), Models of Man, New York: John Wiley Sons, Inc. Stang, D. J. (1973), ââ¬Å"Six Theories of Repeated Exposure and Affect,â⬠Manuscript#482, JSAS Catalog of Selec ted Documents in Psychology, 3: 126. (1975), ââ¬Å"The Effects of Mere Exposureon Learningand Affect,â⬠Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 31: 7-13. Tesser, A. , and Conlee, M. C. (1975), ââ¬Å"Some Effects of Time and Thought on Attitude Polarization,â⬠Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 31: 262-70. , and Cowan, C. L. (1977), ââ¬Å"Some Attitudinaland Cognitive Consequences of Thought,â⬠Journal of Research in Personality, 11: 216-26. Winer, B. J. (1971), Statistical Principles in ExperimentalDesign, New York: McGraw-HillBook Co. Winter, FredrickW. (1973), ââ¬Å"A LaboratoryExperimentof Individual AttitudeResponse to AdvertisingExposure,â⬠Journal of MarketingResearch, 10 (May): 130-40. Wright, Peter L. 1973), ââ¬Å"The Cognitive Processes Mediating Research, Acceptanceof Advertising,â⬠Journal of Marketing 53-67. 10 (February): (1975), ââ¬Å"Factors Affecting Cognitive Resistance to Advertising,â⬠Journal of ConsumerResearch, 2 (June): 1-10. (1976), ââ¬Å"An Adaptive Consumerââ¬â¢sView of Attitudesand Other Choice Mechanisms, as Viewed by an Equally Adaptive Advertiser,â⬠in Att itudeResearch at Bay, eds. Deborah Johnson and William D. Wells, Chicago American Marketing Association, pp. 113-31. (1980), ââ¬Å"Message-Evoked Thoughts: Persuasion ResearchUsing ThoughtVerbalizations,â⬠Journal of Consumer Research, 2 How to cite Effects of Television Commercial Repetition, Papers
Saturday, December 7, 2019
Cpu Internal Organisations Essay Research Paper CPU free essay sample
Cpu Internal Organisations Essay, Research Paper CPU Internal Organisations The input/output ( I/O ) interface, coach constructions, microprocessor, memories and peripherals ( besides known as external or I/O devices ) are the major constituents of a computing machine system. These constituents invariably trade information and instructions to finish assigned operations. With the exclusion of the peripherals, the on-going communicating between constituents is conducted within the system through interconnectednesss or waies called coachs. Peripherals such as keyboards, add-in cards ( including frame grabbers ) , proctors, modems and pressmans are instead connected to the system through the I/O interface. The I/O connexion features a communicating line to direct and have informations between the system and peripherals. Figure 1 illustrates the standard microprocessor-based Personal computer architecture outlined above. Note: the peripherals link to the system through the I/O interface instead than straight through the system s host coach. The primary intent of a system s host coach is to link constituents and let them to pass on. We will write a custom essay sample on Cpu Internal Organisations Essay Research Paper CPU or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page To accomplish this, the host coach is composed of three types of communicating lines. An reference coach is a one-way way that allows the microprocessor to stipulate which of the assorted locations in the memories and in the I/O interface it is accessing. Using this way, the microprocessor can choose a memory reference from which to get or in which to hive away informations. The CPU besides queries the I/O interface and devices utilizing the reference coach to stipulate input and end product locations. A information coach carries the existent information between the microprocessor, memories and the I/O interface. Because the informations coach is bidirectional, information can be both sent and received on these lines. A control coach handles the arbitration and distinction between informations coming in and informations traveling out of different constituents by conveying read, write and other control signals. In measuring coach architecture, our primary concern is with transportations happening on the information coach. The information coach is responsible for traveling the majority of information that travels through a system. And the informations coach design finally determines how expeditiously that information will flux. Specifying characteristics of the informations coach include the size or bandwidth of the coach, the velocity of the coach, and the location of the coach within the system. It helps to believe of the informations coach as a gateway through which a certain sum of information can go through. The coach contains a clock that indicates the velocity at which information can travel through the gateway. The way size or breadth of the coach indicates the volume or measure of informations that can travel through the gateway. The clock velocity is measured in MHz and the way size is measured in spots. The transportation rate brings these two variables together to stand for how much and how fast information is traveling at any given clip. The transportation rate is normally indicated in Ms per second.
Saturday, November 30, 2019
physic Essays - Elementary Particles, Particle Physics, Dark Matter
Physics covers a wide range of phenomena, from elementary particles (such as quarks, neutrinos and electrons) to the largest superclusters of galaxies. Included in these phenomena are the most basic objects from which all other things are composed, and therefore physics is sometimes called the "fundamental science".[8] Physics aims to describe the various phenomenon that occur in nature in terms of simpler phenomena. Thus, physics aims to both connect the things observable to humans to root causes, and then to try to connect these causes together. For example, the ancient Chinese observed that certain rocks (lodestone) were attracted to one another by some invisible force. This effect was later called magnetism, and was first rigorously studied in the 17th century. A little earlier than the Chinese, the ancient Greeks knew of other objects such as amber, that when rubbed with fur would cause a similar invisible attraction between the two. This was also first studied rigorously in the 17th century, and came to be called electricity. Thus, physics had come to understand two observations of nature in terms of some root cause (electricity and magnetism). However, further work in the 19th century revealed that these two forces were just two different aspects of one force ? electromagnetism. This process of "unifying" forces continues today, and electromagnetism and the weak nuclear force are now considered to be two aspects of the electroweak interaction. Physics hopes to find an ultimate reason (Theory of Everything) for why natur e is as it is (see section Current research below for more information).
Monday, November 25, 2019
Econometrics Research Topic Ideas
Econometrics Research Topic Ideas One of the most difficult things about being an undergraduate studentà in economics is that most schools require that students write an econometrics paper at some point in their studies. Econometrics is essentially the application of statistical and mathematical theories and perhaps some computer science to economic data. The objective is to develop empirical evidence for economics hypotheses and to predict future trends by testing economics models through statistical trials. Econometrics assists economists in analyzing large sets of data to unveil meaningful relationships among them. For instance, an econometrics scholar might attempt to find statistical evidence for answers to real-world economics questions like, does increased education spending lead to higher economic growth? with the help of econometrics methods. The Difficulty Behind Econometrics Projects While certainly important to the subject of economics, many students (and particularly those who do not particularly enjoy statistics)à find econometrics a necessary evil in their education. So when the moment arrives to find an econometrics research topic for a university term paper or project, they are at a loss. In my time as an economics professor, I have seen studentsà spend 90% of their time simply trying to come up with an econometrics research topic and then searching for the necessary data. But these steps need not be such a challenge. Econometrics Research Topic Ideas When it comes to your next econometricsà project, I have you covered. Ive come up with a few ideas for suitable undergraduate econometrics term papers and projects. All the data you will need to get started on your project is included, though you may choose to supplement with additional data. The data is available for download in Microsoft Excel format, but it can easily be converted to whatever format your course requires you to use. Here are two econometrics research topic ideas to consider. Within these links are paper topic prompts, research resources, important questions to consider, and data sets to work with. Okuns Law Use your econometrics term paper to test Okuns Law in the United States. Okuns Law is named for American economist Arthur Melvin Okun, who was the first to propose the existence of the relationship back in 1962. The relationship described by Okuns Law is between that of a countrys unemployment rate and that countrys production or gross national product (GNP). Spending on Imports and Disposable Income Use your econometrics term paper as an opportunity to answer questions about American spending behaviors. As incomes rise, how do households spend their new wealth and disposable income? Do they spend it on imported goods or domestic goods?
Friday, November 22, 2019
Broad Classification Of Work Motivational Theories Commerce Essay
Broad Classification Of Work Motivational Theories Commerce Essay The work motivation theories can be broadly classified as content theories and process theories. The content theories are concerned with identifying the needs that people have and how needs are prioritized. They are concerned with types of incentives that drive people to attain need fulfillment. The Maslow hierarchy theory, Fredrick Herzbergââ¬â¢s two factor theory and Alderferââ¬â¢s ERG needs theory fall in this category. Although such a content approach has logic, is easy to understand, and can be readily translated in practice, the research evidence points out limitations. There is very little research support for these modelsââ¬â¢ theoretical basic and predictability. The trade off for simplicity sacrifices true understanding of the complexity of work motivation. On the positive side, however, the content models have given emphasis to important content factors that were largely ignored by human relationists. In addition the Alderferââ¬â¢s ERG needs theory allows more flexibility and Herzbergââ¬â¢s two-factor theory is useful as an explanation for job satisfaction and as a point of departure for job design. The process theories are concerned with the cognitive antecedents that go into motivation and with the way they are related to one another. The theories given by Vroom, Porter and Lawler, equity theory and attribution theory fall in this category. These theories provide a much sounder explanation of work motivations. The expectancy model of Vroom and the extensions and the refinements provided by Porter and Lawler help explain the important cognitive variables and how they relate to one another in the process of work motivation. The Porter Lawler model also gives specific attention to the important relationship between performance and satisfaction. A growing research literature is somewhat supportive of these expectancy models, but conceptual and methodological problems remain. Unlike the content models, these expectancy models are relativ ely complex and difficult to translate into actual practice. They have also failed to meet the goals of prediction and control Motivation Theory 1 ââ¬â Adamââ¬â¢s Equity Theory of Work Motivation The theory explains that a major input into job performance and satisfaction is the degree of equity or inequity that people perceive in work situations. Adam depicts a specific process of how this motivation occurs. Inequality occurs when a person perceives that the ratio of his or her outcomes to inputs and the ratio of a relevant otherââ¬â¢s outcomes to inputs are unequal. Our Outcomes Otherââ¬â¢s Outcomes = Inequity (over-rewarded) Our Inputs Otherââ¬â¢s Inputs Both the inputs and the outputs of the person and the other are based upon the personââ¬â¢s perceptions, which are affected by age, sex, education, social status, organizational position, qualifications, and how hard the person works, etc. Outcomes consist primarily of rewards such as pay, status, promotion, a nd intrinsic interest in the job. Equity sensitivity is the ratio based upon the personââ¬â¢s perception of what the person is giving (inputs) and receiving (outcomes) versus the ratio of what the relevant is giving and receiving. This cognition may or may not be the same as someone elseââ¬â¢s observation of the ratios or the same as the actual situation.
Wednesday, November 20, 2019
In relation to customary international law, what are the difficulties Essay
In relation to customary international law, what are the difficulties involved in determining State practice and how is it possible to separate State practice from opinio juris - Essay Example Center of discussion in this paper is International Law as the body of laws, precepts and regulatory principles that govern relationships between states on the world stage. As states interact with each other in worldly affairs, a political, economic or financial business situation may be created whereby there is a disagreement or difference of viewpoint or even rules of conduct. As a result, one or both state entities may feel cheated and may either decide to settle their differences amicably with one another on agreed terms, resort to aggressive tactics like wars and embargoes or appeal to internationally recognized institutions like the International Courts of Justice and the United Nations Organization to solve their problems. For example, the UN last year has intervened to monitor the situation in Libya arising from the formation of opposition groups seeking to overthrow the corrupt and decadent regime of Col. Muammar Gaddafi. It passed Resolution 1970 on February 26, 2011 under which it condemned the escalation of violence in Libya, noting the loss of lives and heavy civilian casualties that defined crimes against humanity and the civilian population. It demanded a ceasefire and cessation of violent activities, ensuring safety and security to both citizens as well as foreign nationals. It also pressed for safety of the media which was instrumental in bringing information as to the actual situation on the ground. Among other things, the adoption of this resolution resulted in an arms embargo, the creation of a no-fly zone and freezing of assets as recommended by a high level Committee created in the aftermath of the Arab League meeting and the Organization of Islamic Conferences on the situation. Thankfully, the situation is now returning to normalcy since Gaddafi has been deposed and killed and the rest of his family is either in exile or has been arrested or killed. At the present time, the world community especially European and US officials have asked t he Security Council to pass a similar resolution against the regime in Syria, considering the nine month crackdown on protestors in which thousands have been killed or arrested. In terms of Lord Denningââ¬â¢s definition, given at the judgment of the case of Trendtex Trading Corp v Central Bank of Nigeria (1977), International Law may be described as ââ¬Ëthe sum of the rules or usages which civilized States have agreed shall be binding upon them in their dealings with one anotherââ¬â¢. It is primarily concerned with the behavior of States, and comprises the body of principles, rules and customs recognized as binding obligations by sovereign States and international entities. Higgins points out that ââ¬Ëit is a system of normative conduct that States consider obligatory to followââ¬â¢ and as may be formally defined by various conventions and agreements published by the United Nations, the
Tuesday, November 19, 2019
Assassination of Abraham Lincoln Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words
Assassination of Abraham Lincoln - Essay Example The author begins the article by providing a brief discussion of some of the activities that were undertaken by the Republicans in the political year of 1992. Specifically, the article describes the origin of Abraham Lincoln from politics and how certain leaders who came after him made efforts to emulate his leadership styles. The author uses examples of leaders such as Ronald Reagan and George Bush Senior and how their contributed towards the development of the legacy of Abraham Lincoln. He uses examples of republican leaders and how their created emphasis of good aspects of Lincolnââ¬â¢s leadership styles hence contributing to the development of his political legacy. The major strength of the article is based on the fact that the information is properly presented in a comprehensive language, making it easy to understand. However, its major weakness lies on the fact that the author has not provided the source of his/her information. The author of this article focused on the aftermath of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. The first page of the article indicates a picture of a group of people that appears to be in a meeting. The introductory paragraph of the article basically describes accusations that occur with regard to the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. Moreover, the author has applied pictures to create more insight of the events that unfolded after the assassination. These pictures present scenarios of past politicians, majorly after Lincolnââ¬â¢s death. The use of pictures in the article is its major strength. It also appears that some extent, there is excessive use pictures in the article hence presenting limited written information. This could be its major weakness. This article presents a story published on 15th March, 1979; the author focuses on the assassination of Lincoln and the events that unfolded as the investigation related to the assassination.
Saturday, November 16, 2019
Cultural Characteristics of India Essay Example for Free
Cultural Characteristics of India Essay With more than half of the workforce being in agriculture, services however, is the biggest contributing factor the economic growth in India. The information technology (IT) sector is where most of the growth is taking place. Many companies in the United States are beginning to outsource their help desk and programming specialties to India where the labor is cheaper and there are an abundance of qualified individuals. In-fact many of the positions you see in IT are filled by people native to India simply because training for these specialties is limited in the U. S. For example, if you were looking to hire an Extract, Transform, and Load (ETL) developer it is highly unlikely that you will find a U. S. citizen with these skill sets, and if you did the U. S. candidate would certainly be demanding more money. Indiaââ¬â¢s ability to train highly qualified IT professionals and ability to provide cheaper labor will continue to contribute to their increase in economic growth. Ultimately, it is those cultural characteristics we have discussed in class that has led India to so much growth over the last decade. They are a collectivist society, with a large power distance and a different set of value orientations from our own. Higher education is of upmost importance, and often times, much more important than interpersonal relationships. This is evident of the fact that they place so much importance on oneââ¬â¢s education and its correlation to family status when selecting a bride/groom in an arranged marriage. India is considered a large power distance culture because there is a clear hierarchy within the family, ââ¬Å"the father rules authoritatively, followed by the eldest son and moving down the ladder by age and sexâ⬠(Neuliep, 2009. 9). Within the Indian culture the children are expected to be obedient and many Indian children feel that their parents really donââ¬â¢t understand what it is like to grow up in todayââ¬â¢s diverse society. Indian parents constantly expect their children to go to the right schools, only converse with people who share the same cultural backgro unds and to marry within their own race and religion. There are many different religions in India which include: Muslim, Hindu, Christian and Sikh. In India, even though you may share the same ethnicity if you do not share the same religious beliefs, marriage is forbidden. In my research I have come across a common theme within the Indian culture, and that is that Indian parentââ¬â¢s love to gossip about everything; they constantly discuss who got into what school, and who is getting married to whom. Itââ¬â¢s not to say that Indian parents donââ¬â¢t want whatââ¬â¢s best for their children because they do. In the article Indian Parents and Societal Pressure the author Arti Nehru states, ââ¬Å"The really sad part about all of this is that parents truly want their children to be happy. But they are unsupportive in many instances because they worry about ne thing: What will people say? â⬠The Indian culture is more of a collectivist culture who has the tendency to stress the importance of a group over the importance of the individual. Neuliep confirms that, ââ¬Å"In collectivist cultures, people are not seen as isolated individuals. People see themselves as interdependent with others their (e. g. , their ingroup), where responsibility is shared and accountability is collective. A personââ¬â¢s identity is defined by his or her group membershipsâ⬠(Neuliep, 2009. Pg. 41). Most of their values come from their traditional beliefs, their religious devotion and their secular spirituality. It is these value orientations that shape the way the Indian culture communicates with individuals in their own culture as well as with individuals outside of their culture. Values can affect the way people communicate within their own culture and with people of different cultures. They are ââ¬Å"evaluative beliefs that synthesize affective and cognitive elements to orient people to the world in which they liveâ⬠(Mooney, 2001, 2828). The value orientation model is used to compare high-context cultures such as the Indian collectivist culture with low-context individualistic cultures such as the United States. It can be broken down into six different categories: self, family, society, human nature, nature, and supernatural. In a collectivist culture such as the Indian culture ââ¬Å"selfâ⬠refers to how one may view themselves in relationship to others, and can further be broken down into three different sub-categories: self-identity, age, and activity. In India self-identity would suggest that people value conformity and cooperation. In India people are ââ¬Å"interdependent with others, and for them, responsibility and accountability are shared and divided among the group members. â⬠(Neulip, 2009, 63-64). Age for a collectivist, high-context culture is admired when they are old and conversely, in an individualistic, low-context culture, age is admired when they are young. In a collectivist culture like India the people tend be very spiritual and believe that people should embrace life. The activity one performs on a daily basis is of less importance in a country like India. Whereas in the United States, activity ften refers to how people identify themselves through their activities such as their professions and occupations. Often times when Americans are asked who they are, they will answer with what they do for a living; indicating that they tend to associate who they are, with what they do. Family within a collectivist culture such as India tends to be more authoritative in nature. The ââ¬Å"head of the householdâ⬠will make the decisions rather than having everyone work together as a democracy when making decisions. In India, families are less mobile, and will always attempt to sit down together when eating dinner. There is often a strict hierarchy that is followed among family members with the man of the house being at the top. The men and women in Indian families have very different roles within the family, which coincide with oneââ¬â¢s hierarchal power. The male of the house makes the decisions, provides for the family and the women often times make the meals at night and take care of the children. In Indi,a family is a very important concept and marriage is considered to be sacred and is meant to last a life time. The term ââ¬Å"societyâ⬠in India can be broken down into two categories: social reciprocity and group membership. According to Neuliep ââ¬Å"social reciprocity refers to the mutual exchanges people make in their dealings with othersâ⬠(65). In collectivist cultures like India, if one asks another for a favor it is expected that an equal exchange of favors will occur. In India, group membership is often a pervasive formality; they have a tendency to join only a few different groups over a life-time. In the United States membership in a group is usually short lived, whereas in India people are highly selective and group membership is usually a prolonged commitment. This idea of a prolonged commitment to a group stems from those same cultural values that marriage does. In India, they practice arranged marriages and it is considered a lifelong commitment that is viewed as sacred. What may seem strange to the youth in the United States is actually embraced by youth in India. Many children in India feel that it gives them the ability to focus on their youth, and their education without the distraction or worry that an adolescence relationship can bring to the picture. It is also said that the youth in India ââ¬Å"feel secure in their parentââ¬â¢s ability to choose an acceptable partner for them, trusting that their parents have enough experience and knowledge to do so without creating a disastrous situationâ⬠(Galt, 2011, 2). Many cultures like India believe that when marriages are not pre-arranged they tend to burn out too quickly. They believe it is because the two people have already gotten to know each other, rather than spending a life-time together after marriage getting to know each other. Marrying a person you donââ¬â¢t know gives one a lifetime to learn to love them, as opposed to the American ideal of learning a person inside and out before entering into marriageâ⬠(Galt, 2011, 3). In the United States, many believe that the idea of an arranged marriage is something that is forced upon the two getting married. This however isnââ¬â¢t true, in India before a marriage can become official the bride and groom are afforded the opportunity to meet each other to decide if they would like to go forward with the marriage. You might be surprised to hear that any rejection to a proposed marriage rarely occurs, and more often than not the proposed bride and groom will go through with the wedding as planned. This is because the parents of the bride and groom do their due-diligence and will often times spend years looking for a suitable bride or groom. They spend countless hours meeting with the families and friends, ââ¬Å"considering hundreds of different aspects and comparison points before the potential bride and groom ever meet each otherâ⬠(Galt, 2011, 6). In many ways the Indian culture is different than our own, we have the tendency to be more of an individualistic culture while they tend be more collectivist. We are considered a low-context culture, while India is considered a high-context culture. We value or independence and look out for our own self-interests over that of the group. In India, they value the group over the individual and believe that if one fails, they all fail. Even though we may differ culturally we are still similar in many ways, the biggest being our level of diversity; we are both comprised of many different values, ethnicities, and religious beliefs.
Thursday, November 14, 2019
Maxims and Masks: The Epigram in The Importance of Being Earnest Essay
Maxims and Masks: The Epigram in "The Importance of Being Earnest" Oscar Wilde frames "The Importance of Being Earnest" around the paradoxical epigram, a skewering metaphor for the play's central theme of division of truth and identity that hints at a homosexual subtext. Other targets of Wilde's absurd yet grounded wit are the social conventions of his stuffy Victorian society, which are exposed as a "shallow mask of manners" (1655). Aided by clever wordplay, frantic misunderstanding, and dissonance of knowledge between the characters and the audience, devices that are now staples of contemporary theater and situation comedy, "Earnest" suggests that, especially in "civilized" society, we all lead double lives that force upon us a variety of postures, an idea with which the closeted (until his public charge for sodomy) homosexual Wilde was understandably obsessed. The play's initial thrust is in its exploration of bisexual identities. Algernon's and Jack's "Bunburys" initially function as separate geographic personas for the city and country, simple escapes from nagging social obligations. However, the homoerotic connotations of the punning name (even the double "bu"'s, which serve mostly an alliterative purpose, insinuate a union of similarities, and "Bunbury" rhymes with "buggery," British slang for sodomy) flare up when paired with Algernon's repeated assaults on marriage: ALGERNON. "...She will place me next to Mary Farquhar, who always flirts with her own husband across the dinner table. That is not very pleasant. Indeed, it is not even decent ... and that sort of thing is enormously on the increase. The amount of women in London who flirt with their own husbands is perfectly scandalous. It looks so bad. It i... ... he was inextricably associated but from which he could just as easily distance himself via a pithy saying, but he treats the tension of homosexuality, his own mask, more seriously. Jack is never ready to admit his entrance into the Bunbury underworld, and we never learn from Algernon the necessary rules of conduct. The personification of homosexuality as a character's double is not surprising - some critics argue that Dr. Jekyl's evil counterpart, Mr. Hyde, has some homosexual leanings - as such a controversial and, perhaps, embarrassing topic can be more easily disguised and obscured in the murky depths of the doppelganger tale. Today, with scientific evidence backing an opinion that places individuals' sexual preferences on a sliding scale from full heterosexuality to full homosexuality, the simple bifurcated view of sexuality in literature may soon be obsolete.
Monday, November 11, 2019
Is it ethical to feed live food to reptiles
Is it ethical to feed live food to exotic pets? Abstract Live food items are often fed to exotic pet species whether they be birds, amphibians, reptiles or mammals. This raises issues of welfare, both of the animals fed live prey Items and the prey Itself. Concerns over live food welfare are particularly marked In the feeding of vertebrate prey Items and evidence presented here shows the prolonged time taken for rodents to die, this fuelling these concerns.And yet the welfare of all exotic pets relies both on providing optimal nutrition and ensuring, as such as possible, that their natural behaviors can be expressed. Does that mean that predatory species must be fed live prey? This paper discusses this problem and seeks potential solutions. Introduction Many of the ââ¬Å"exoticâ⬠species that are kept as pets (companion animals) or for study, or which form part of a zoo or rescue centre, are wholly or partly carnivorous and therefore require food of animal origin.Many omnivores also feed In part on live or dead animals and some essentially herbivorous/carnivorous species, such as finches (Freeloading), require invertebrate food when they are nestlings. In this paper emphasis is on the provision of still living food, but brief mention will be made of dead animals. The discussion relates mainly to live food given to captive exotic animals but it must be remembered that free-living Individuals also kill and eat live prey. The use of live food Food comprising live animals or their derivatives is widely considered to serve two main purposes.First, from a nutritive perspective, It contains important, sometimes essential, amino acids, vitamins and other nutrients; secondly, from a behavioral viewpoint It provides captive animals with stimulation, especially when It Is resented to them in an imaginative way, providing a very important form of environmental enrichment. The subject of ââ¬Å"live-feedingâ⬠of animals in zoos and private collections has become a specialist topic, with numerous papers in the literature about how best such diets should be chosen and presented. These include precautions to minimize damage to the prey species by attacks from the animals provided as live food. O be well-substantiated; as noted above, it provides behavioral enrichment and represents a natural or near-natural method of providing essential nutrition . There s, however, another important consideration, which is sometimes forgotten or ignored. This is the question of the wellbeing of the live food that is being offered. After all, the food consists of living animals which, regardless of their taxonomic status, may be subjected to and affected by stresses, including pain during the period before and during being eaten. There are several stages at which the prey species may be subjected to stresses.The first of these is during production or collection. Live food is either bred in captivity or collected in the wild and in many cases such breeding or c ollection may involve stress for the animals involved. When offered as food, prior to being devoured the live food prey item is often in what for it is an unusual, an ââ¬Å"alienâ⬠environment. It may, for example, be exposed to abnormally high temperatures or bright lights, rendering the individual, by definition, vulnerable to attack/apprehension by the animal to which it is being fed.The key welfare issue for many animals provided as live food will be when they are being devoured. Some live food is killed almost instantaneously by the predator, using physical or chemical means from trauma to veneration, both of these potentially rendering the prey immobile while losing consciousness. In such circumstances there may be little in risk of poor welfare. But often death takes much longer ââ¬â for instance, a rodent constricted and thus killed by suffocation by a snake, or a cockroach dismembered while it is still alive.Some prey items may be swallowed whole and are therefore still alive ââ¬â and presumably conscious ââ¬â for some time until they die of asphyxia or the effect of the predator's gastric Juices; If not immediately devoured uneaten prey may be taken and consumed abstinently, perhaps on another day, but in the meantime it has to survive in an alien environment, often without water, food or appropriate shelter. Sometimes the prey item is never eaten, either because the predator is no longer hungry or because the prey escapes.As a result, it may die as a result of starvation, dehydration, hyperthermia or hypothermia in the predator's cage. It may, alternatively, establish itself in that cage or escape into the home/zoo environment. Here crickets (Grilled) are the best example. The debate Vertebrate food Some decades ago concern began to be voiced by some individuals and certain institutions about the practice of feeding live vertebrates to captive mammals, birds and reptiles. The methods employed began to be subjected to greater scruti ny and criticism as a greater understanding of, and sensitivity to, issues of animal welfare evolved.Society of London) introduced a ban on the feeding of living vertebrate food to its captive reptiles and instead to train the latter to take freshly-killed prey or items (for example, a freshly dead rabbit) that could be moved to simulate life or placed in an unusual environment, such as a hollow tube, to interest the hungry predator. In Britain, at any rate, many other zoos and herpetologists followed suit and by the late asses the use of dead, not living, prey was considered to be ââ¬Å"good practiceâ⬠.During the decade of the asses claims were regularly made by animal welfare groups that live-feeding was ââ¬Å"illegalâ⬠in the I-J but these assertions were countered in lectures and articles (1). The point was made that there was no specific legal ban on live- feeding but that such a practice might lead to a prosecution under the Protection of Animals Acts (2). Herpetol ogists who still wanted to feed live food to their charges ere encouraged to take steps to minimize suffering in various ways ââ¬â for example, by not leaving live food in the various for long periods of time and by providing shelter and water for it.Those recommendations in Britain were in a large part a modification and refinement of the approach taken by the senior author nearly a decade beforehand, when, in an attempt to encourage a more humane approach to live-feeding of snakes in East Africa, a document was drawn up by the Kenya Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. (KAPPA). This is reproduced as Appendix A. Force-feedingâ⬠of non-living food is also a possibility, particularly used for ââ¬Ëdifficult' species such as Royal pythons (Python argues) but this can be stressful.Another argument used on both sides of the Atlantic, to dissuade reptile-keepers from feeding live vertebrate food was that the latter could easily attack and damage the predator speci es. Thus, for instance, live rodents put in Bavaria as food can cause severe skin lesions in snakes (3, 4, 5). Having said that, a casual glance through online video clips, as detailed further below, shows that live vertebrate prey are still fed to pitiless by a number of keepers. Invertebrate food Questioning the feeding of live invertebrates to captive animals is less common even today .In the asses an ââ¬Å"animal rightsâ⬠group based in Scotland lobbied for more awareness of the welfare needs of invertebrate animals and included in their concerns the use of crickets, maelstroms and other species as food items for captive mammals, birds and reptiles. In the past two decades interest amongst veterinarians and others in the health and welfare of invertebrates has grown (6, 7). In its wake, discussion and studies on whether or not invertebrates ââ¬Å"sufferâ⬠pain have become reverent (7), including some limited analysis and discussions of the ethical considerations of u sing these animals as live prey.A problem, of course, is that the term ââ¬Å"invertebrateâ⬠is very broad, covering around 30 distinct phyla, and the ability of such animals to react to a noxious stimulus varies greatly between, say, a coelenterate that has no generalized nervous system and a cephalic with a well-developed nervous system and pain responses (7). The main groups of invertebrate that are used as food for other animals are arthropods, phyla produce endorphins and may, therefore, be able not only to respond to pain by appropriate escape behavior but be aware of it.Research on the nematode Conservationist elegant, for instance, has shown that activation, an invertebrate homologue of morphogenesis, together with improprieties, modulates aversive activity that mimics behaviors associated with chronic pain in vertebrates (9). While such primitive species can exhibit inception, it would be questioned by many as to whether they feel pain, defined as ââ¬Ëan unpleasant sensory and emotional experience associated with actual or potential tissue damage' (italics added) (10).Even a single- led amoeba moves away from a noxious stimulus, but cannot be said to have an emotional response ââ¬â so where on the evolutionary ââ¬Ëladder' does such a response occur? Certainly there are behavioral indicators of pain in several crustacean species (11) and some mollusks (12). In some situations such as the use of live insects in biomedical research, the approach advocated by certain authors has been ââ¬Å"to give them (invertebrates) the benefit of the doubtâ⬠and therefore (for example) to employ an anesthetic agent when a procedure to be performed that might cause pain (13).Such a precautionary Renville has not apparently, however, been applied to the use of these same species as live food for mammals, birds or reptiles ââ¬â and probably would not be realistic. We are, after all, here in a situation where the benefits of one species, the predat or, must be weighed against those of the prey species. Such is the very essence of nature. Hopefully, wherever possible, in a captive environment the welfare needs of both predator and prey can be considered and predator species trained to accept dead prey rather than live. ââ¬Ë A preliminary study of welfare of live prey speciesPerhaps a start on such a Journey is to ask for evidence regarding the welfare of prey species when being fed to a predator species. For that reason, we present here a preliminary study using online You Tube videos of various captive reptiles as the predator and mice, rats and crickets as live prey items. Clearly this cannot be a controlled study, but the videos were sampled by accessing the first ten adequate clips defined by ââ¬Ëreptile eats live mouse', ââ¬Ëreptile eats live rat', and ââ¬Ëreptile eats live locust' and recording the time taken from apprehension of the prey item to death as determined by the time of last movement of prey item.It could be argued that the prey species may not lose consciousness until after that period and, in some cases, vivification by the prey item may occur after the last obvious movement, but in those documented in Table 1 this was not the case. The time to death as estimated by cessation of any movement was 62Ãâà ±29 seconds for mice, 54Ãâà ±21 seconds for rats and 18Ãâà ±17 seconds for locusts, with ranges from 38 to 120 seconds for the mice, 24-82 seconds for the rats and 5-62 seconds for the locusts .These figures are clearly influenced by the size of both prey and of predator. Euthanasia of laboratory rodents by carbon dioxide may take 2-3 minutes (14) while cervical dislocation successfully killed animals apparently instantaneously in 79% of animals in one study (15). In another study electroencephalographic activity during the 30 seconds immediately (at 5 to 10 s), 10-15 seconds after exposure to 100% CO, 15-20 seconds after decapitation and at 20-25 seconds with cardi ac arrest caused by KC injection but not after administration of 70% CO (15).A painful and fear-provoking death taking p to 2 minutes as seen in many live food subjects would not, we argue, be acceptable in any circumstances. Interestingly, few if any rodents seemed aware that a predator shared the various with them, many mice actively investigating the snake until the moment of attack. Other rodents in the enclosure did not appear to show behavioral evidence of fear even when other rodents in the same various were attacked, constricted and killed.On the other hand, the fear and pain indicated by rapid movements and vacillations of the prey item, was clear in many of the cases as noted in Table 1 . These author found it disturbing to watch the video clips in many cases and we would argue that the suffering of prey species in many of these video clips and in many is contrary to the requirements of the Animal Welfare Act (2006) in the United Kingdom, as discussed further below. Discus sion There can be no hard-and-fast rules about the feeding of live food to captive animals.However we advocate that, if it is not necessary to sustain the life of the prey species in order to stimulate the predator to pretend and swallow, live-feeding should not take place.. When such a feeding practice is necessary ââ¬â and is not De facto in intervention of legislation ââ¬â it should be carried out with care and sensitivity and follow a code of practice. As noted at the beginning of this paper, there are two elements to live-feeding ââ¬â the predator and the prey ââ¬â and these both warrant a humane approach.Although reptiles have attracted particular attention in the debate about live-feeding, other carnivorous tax have also come under some scrutiny, especially in Europe. The feeding of large felid such as lions, tigers and cheetahs with live vertebrates, such as rodents or alligators, has long ceased to be accepted practice in zoos in cost of Europe. The use of l iving animals, such as mice or quail, to encourage falconers' birds and wildlife casualties to perfect their hunting skills has, likewise, been officially phased-out.Some of the practices alluded to above have stopped because of public attitudes but legislation has also, indirectly, had a result. Thus, for example, the I-J Animal Welfare Act 2006, while not specifically outlawing the feeding of live food to carnivorous species, puts an onus of responsibility on keepers on a duty of care to all animals in their possession and thus an obligation to ensure as far as possible that ere species are killed before being offered as food.
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